The verb morphology I am currently working on for Maltese definitely suffers from over-generation, in particular when it comes to derived verbs and pronominal suffixes. Derived verbs are often intransitive and interpreted as reflexive or passive, which makes the addition of direct object suffixes to them very awkward.
For example, take the root W-Ż-N in the first (underived) form: wiżen “he weighed”.
Adding some pronominal suffixes we get wiżnek “he weighed you”, wiżinlek … “he weighed … for you”, and wizinhomlok “he weighed them for you”.
So far so good, but let’s now look at the seventh derived form of this root: ntiżen “he was weighed”.
Appending an indirect object pronoun is fine: ntiżinlek “he was weighed for you”. But when we try with a direct object it ceases to make sense, e.g. ntiżnek and ntizinhomlok. The reflexive meaning taken on by this derived verbs means direct object pronouns no longer make any sense when attached to the verb (even when in combination with an indirect object pronoun).
The problem is that I currently don’t know if these cases are detectable on a morphological level. In other words, if seventh form verbs never have any direct object pronouns attached then it is very simple to fix the over-generation, but it’s still a little early for me to tell whether such a general exclusion can be made.
Continuing the previous post about vowel lengths, here are some remarks about the handling of the long vowel ie under negation (which is after all the suffixation of the letter x).
Consider the verbs waqaf, kiel, and ħa. Note that the latter two are irregular, however I think they are still valid for the point I want to make. Their imperfect forms all consist of a stem which begins with the long vowel ie: nieqaf, tiekol, jieħu. Does this vowel get shortened under negation? Let’s see what the Maltese corpus has to say about this:
These are the totals of the negative forms, as percentages of the total occurrences of the corresponding positive form:
So what do all these numbers mean?
When considering the singular negative, the version without the long ie vowel is more common in all cases. As an example, ma nikolx is more common than ma niekolx, which would indicate that the former is really the correct form.
In the plural though, it’s almost the complete opposite. To continue our example, this means that ma nieklux is slightly more frequent that ma niklux. However the difference in frequency is less pronounced: 7% in plural compared to 12% in singular for the given example.
So here we have another indication of the correct spelling, but not exactly hard evidence. The more I try to rely on the corpus for these things, the more apparent it becomes that it is not really a good settler of questions of minor orthographic differences.
Liquid-medial verbs are a subclass of the strong Maltese semitic verbs, which have a liquid consonant (għ, l, m, n, r) as their second radical. Their paradigm is slightly different in that they sometimes require an extra vowel in conjugation. Whether this vowel is morphological or euphonic, I don’t know. Not all sources identify them as a subclass, and simply claim the vowel is inserted euphonically as needed. However when the first radical is GĦ, this extra vowel is dropped again:
||Mamma (Perf P3 Sg Masc)
||Imperfect P1 Sg
||Imperfect P1 Pl
||Template (prev column)
This also creeps up when adding some indirect object suffixes (P3 Sg Fem, and all Pl) in imperative/imperfect:
||Imperfect P2 Sg
||Imperfect P1 Sg + I.O. P1 Sg
||Imperfect P1 Sg + I.O. P1 Pl
||Template (prev column)
The inflection table of the Maltese verb is formidable. Apart from tense/aspect and person, number & gender, a Maltese verb also can also take suffixes for a direct object, for an indirect object, or for both a direct and indirect object. Add to this the “-x” suffix when the verb is negated, and you end up with no fewer than 952 unique forms for a single verb (the total number of combinations is 1152, but some combinations are non-existent).
Here’s the full table for the verb fetaħ (he opened).
The behaviour of consonant radicals in Maltese morphology is always predictable, but vowel changes are a lot less so. Consider this list of Maltese “hollow verbs”: that is, where the middle root is the weak consonant w or j (of course there are many more hollow verbs than the ones listed here, but I chose the ones which to me are most “common”).
||Mamma (Perf P3 Sg Masc)
||Perfect P1 Sg
||Imperative P2 Sg
|to take long
|to wake up
|to become ready
The following vowel-change patterns emerge:
|Long vowel in base form
||Vowel in Perfect
||Vowel in Imperative/Imperfect
||dab, dam, dar, daq, far, qam, sam, saq
||ġab, sab, sib, tar
||fieq, ħiet, ried, żied
Conclusions from this minor study:
- The long vowel in the base form (mamma) does not necessarily determine the middle radical.
- Even the base form combined with the root is not enough to determine the vowel changes in the the perfect and imperative forms, as in the cases of fieq and biel. In such cases the imperative must be specified explicitly.